A highly
controversial trade agreement led by the US is being negotiated in such
utter secrecy that until recently just a handful of people had any knowledge of
what was being decided behind closed
doors. The Trans-Pacific
Partnership Agreement , TPP for short,
has now reached the public domain , thanks to WikiLeaks, the global watchdog
that leaks ‘secret’ information that has a bearing on public interest.
The TPP is a US
led initiative of 12 member countries comprising apart from the US, Canada,
Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, , Chile, Peru, Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam,
Singapore and Brunei . These countries
account for approximately 40 percent of the global GDP. Russia, China,
India and Brazil have been kept out of this
exclusive club. The scope of the TPP is
vast and includes subjects like Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), Biodiversity
and the Environment, State Owned Enterprise (SOE) , Agriculture, Sanitary and
Phytosanitary Standards (SPS) Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), Investment,
Public Procurement , Financial Services,
E Commerce, Trade in Information
Technology Products (TITP), Market
Access for Goods, Textiles etc. , Many of these are part of the WTO.
As with the WTO,
the US
clearly dominates the TPP and the negotiations in its various sectors. It
exercises its veto like powers and is
able to put considerable pressure even on this group of countries which have significant
economies of their own. The available TPP
documents which are excerpts from internal commentaries and notes of
participating countries, show, the extent to which the US dominates
the agenda and the discussions in the
TPP negotiations. Member countries are
constantly on their toes to keep articulating and amending their positions on each aspect in the fast
paced, often aggressively negotiated
text so as not to leave any room for the
US
to force an agreement based on an ambiguous text or one that was not updated.
So where does
the WTO fit in ? The impression is gaining ground in the last years, that
unhappy with the increasingly democratic
nature of the WTO, where countries are asserting themselves more and more, the US in a sense wants to walk away from the WTO. After the Doha Round,
which the US sees as a setback, among other things, to its pharmaceutical
industry, its trade representatives have made clear their displeasure over the
multilateral platform where the US is facing growing resistance. The TPP appears to be the Empire striking
back to recover lost ground.
An extraordinary
feature of the Trans Pacific Partnership is the status being accorded to
multinational corporations . The TPP proposes to give the corporate sector
powerful advantages, tilting the scales in their favor at the cost of consumers, in almost every sector. In a path
breaking move, the TPP is putting in provisions that will enable corporations
to take on nation states directly. Among
the proposals is the setting up of an international tribunal to rule on legal
disputes between nations as well as between corporations and national
governments. .
So corporations
could challenge the laws and regulations of a country before this tribunal which
is empowered to overrule the country’s legal framework and impose economic penalties. In the WTO only nation states can act against
each other before the Dispute
Settlement Court. In an unprecedented paradigm
shift, the TPP seeks to elevate corporations to the status of
sovereign nations and empowers them to challenge governments.
This proviso is
a triumph for the capitalist economic model where money trumps democracy and
democratic rights !All is geared to make big money happy. This is not
surprising since the US
leads the TPP and the US
economic and for that matter environment
policies, are designed to benefit the corporations who are considered
privileged partners in the governance
and policy making process and
structures. Critics have slammed the TPP
as the escalation of the ‘neo-liberal agenda’. Celebrated academic and
author Noam Chomsky has called the TPP a ‘ neoliberal project to maximize
profit and set the working people in the world in competition with one
another so as to lower wages ‘.
Commentators on the IPR program of the TPP have called it a ‘Christmas wish
list’ for the big corporations .
Another American
viewpoint pushed forward by the TPP is
deregulation. Never a votary of regulation which is antithetical to the interests
of big money, successive US governments, starting at least from the Reagan
administration have sought to keep regulation to the minimum in most economic
spheres. Giving a free hand to capital
and the market, US administrations have sought to limit the activities that
governments can regulate and have consistently rejected regulation as a tool of
governance and international trade. The TPP takes deregulation to a new level
and introduces provisions that protect only the rights of the investor but not that of the consumer or the citizen.
A case in point
is the area of environment where the US has been a reluctant player on
the global stage. It has chosen to
remain out of international agreements like the Kyoto Protocol, the treaty
designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. It has also refused to be part of
the Convention on Biological Diversity
(CBD) through which nations agree to conserve biological diversity, respect the
knowledge of local communities and acknowledge their ownership of such knowledge. Both these exclusions are designed to give a
free hand to business. In the Kyoto Protocol,
by not requiring industry to make emission cuts and in the case of the
CBD, by not restraining biopiracy by pharmaceutical companies. Pharma giants
help themselves to the indigenous knowledge of communities and create patented
drugs based on that.
The draft text pays lip service to protecting the
environment , dealing with such subjects like illegal logging ,
overfishing, wildlife trafficking,
marine pollution from ships and ozone depleting substances. But predictably, there
is nothing related to climate change, biodiversity and indigenous knowledge . Even
in this limited engagement , the US insists that environmental
issues be dealt with only if they affect trade and investment. With respect to trade in biodiversity for
instance , the US
position is antagonistic to that proposed by the other members . Peru and Mexico
are attempting to link CBD features like acknowledging the rights of holders of
indigenous knowledge in biodiversity trade but the US opposes this.
Notably, there
is no requirement for compliance in the Environment section, and implementation
is left to the discretion of individual
countries. No penalties have been proposed for violations, unlike in other TPP chapters
like Investments, where penalties are severe. The environment sector is left
completely unregulated and everything is voluntary. Not surprisingly, there is a lot of tension
in the Environment negotiations with several countries resisting the US proposals to
limit engagement in this field. There are at least three areas where there is
clear discord among the TPP members.
These relate to
balancing the need to protect the environment with ambitious commitments on
trade and investment. The current way out seems to be to make nothing binding
in the environment chapter so that the parties can push their investment and
trade agendas and take only that much
notice of environmental protection as they want to. Another point of
disagreement relates to handling
commitments already made in other multilateral fora like the WTO and for
countries other than the US, also the CBD and Kyoto Protocol. How are
these to be brought in resonance with the far more ambitious goals of the TPP ,
especially in fields like Intellectual Property Rights.
Consensus also
eludes the nature of the dispute resolution mechanism the TPP should adopt .
The TPP is a much more close knit group than the WTO and their interests are largely
convergent, especially with respect to the unfettered deployment and use of
capital. In the WTO, there is a clear division between wealthy, industrial nations and developing countries
with smaller economies. The dispute settlement process is invoked largely ( but
not exclusively ) to bring the less powerful economies in line with the trade
ambitions of the rich countries. It will be difficult enough to institute a
structure like the Dispute Settlement Court of the WTO and the US is pushing for a more firm
dispute resolution mechanism than the
other members are willing to agree to.
After Wikileaks
made available portions of the TPP negotiations, there is a growing backlash,
largely in the US, against the clandestine, non-democratic nature of the negotiations. In what may be a
first, the Obama administration is treating the TPP
negotiations as so classified, that information
even to members of the US Congress
is restricted.
India must take note of the TPP provisions and prepare responses in its areas
of interest. For surely, once concluded, the TPP will set the benchmark for
negotiations in other multilateral and bilateral forums. India must also
act quickly to strengthen its partnerships and alliances to protect its trading interests.
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