We must frame an intelligent
policy after widespread consultations
Suman Sahai
Agbiotechnology is presented in many forms — the
most common being that it will solve world hunger. To reinforce this claim,
there is an interesting word play at work. Agbiotechnology is referred to as
the ‘Evergreen Revolution’ or the 'Gene Revolution' but never genetic
engineering, which is its correct name. Both Evergreen Revolution and Gene
Revolution are deliberately coined terms which attempt to link Agbiotech with
the Green Revolution. In the view of most political leaders and policymakers,
the Green Revolution was a very positive happening that brought benefits in the
form of high food production but more importantly, freedom from food imports
and hence political and national sovereignty.
The
Green Revolution did in fact increase food production, principally the
production of rice and wheat. It made India independent of food imports
and firmed up its political spine. It ensured surplus grain that could be stored
in buffer stocks to be rushed where need arose and it tried to ensure that
famines were not anymore a feature of the Indian reality.
These
gains were so visible that the downside, the unequal distribution of the
benefits, of land and water degradation, the accompanying loss of genetic
diversity and the persisting endemic hunger and poverty, could not take the
shine off the Green Revolution. Because of this positive image, the promoters
of Agbiotech draw semantic parallels, invoking the earlier agricultural
revolution.
The
subliminal message that the spinmeisters of the Agbiotecg sector try to convey
is: If the Green Revolution brought so many benefits, the Evergreen Revolution
would bring all those in perpetuity. The word play has actually been quite successful.
Political leaders and policymakers carry over the positive association with the
Green Revolution to the Evergreen one. If the earlier version brought such
benefits, the newer one (more precise, with greater possibilities, as the
industry says) would surely bring even greater benefits to the farmers and the
poor. Conveniently left out of this portrayal are the essential and crucial
differences between the two 'revolutions'.
The
Green Revolution (GR) was a publicly owned technology, belonging to the people.
The research was conducted in public sector universities and research
institutions with public money and created public goods to which everyone had
access. There were no Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), no patents vested in
multinational companies, no proprietary technologies or products. If there was
ownership of the GR, it was vested in the farmer. Once the seed reached the
farmers, it was theirs; they moved it where they wanted. Therefore, despite its
faults, the Green Revolution addressed farmers' needs and India's food
production showed an upward curve.
The
Evergreen Revolution is almost the exact opposite. It is a privately owned
technology. Six corporations (Monsanto, Syngenta, Bayer CropScience, DuPont,
Dow and BASF Plant Science) control practically the entire research and output
in the field of transgenic plants. Processes and products, including research
methodologies, are shackled in patents and the farmer has no say, let alone any
control. The technology creates only private goods that can be accessed only at
a significant cost after paying licensing fees. In the case of Bt cotton, the
only GM crop cultivated in India
so far, a bag of Mahyco-Monsanto's Bt cotton seed costs Rs. 1,600 as compared
to around Rs 400 for superior varieties produced locally.
The
seed belongs to the company, which strictly controls its movement. With the
development of the popularly termed ‘terminator’ or sterile seed technology,
the farmer is reduced to a helpless consumer, not a partner as in the case of the
GR. The Evergreen Revolution has in its 20 years, not yet produced a crop
variety that has any direct connection to hunger and nutritional needs. The
most prevalent crops remain corn, soya, cotton and canola and the dominant
traits are herbicide tolerance and insect resistance. Despite its other faults,
the Green Revolution was able to put out a number of crop varieties in a short
span of time that enabled direct yield increases, which brought immediate
benefits to farmers. That in short is the contrast between the two revolutions,
so assiduously camouflaged by the Agbiotech spinmeisters.
India had participated enthusiastically
in the Green Revolution and is on its way to equally enthusiastically embrace
the Gene Revolution or Agbiotechnology. Yet there is little debate in the
country on whether any lessons have been learnt from the Green Revolution.
There is even less debate between policymakers and other stakeholders on
whether GM crops are relevant to Indian agriculture and if so, what path we
should adopt.
There
is no consultation with the public or any sharing of information about GM
research and trials, as is done in almost all countries that are implementing
GM technology. The Department of Biotechnology has promoted research projects
randomly without any assessment of farmers' needs and the best way to fulfil
them. Civil society has been uneasy with the lack of transparency and the lack
of competence in regulatory bodies; the media is largely uninformed and
political leaders remain unaware of the direction this new and controversial
technology is taking in India
and have no say in determining what it should or should not do.
This
is not the way to adopt a new technology, especially one that comes with a
string of compulsory regulations. GM technology must follow specific prescribed
procedures and be tested stringently. What kind of GM technology should India adopt?
Should it permit GM foods or should it ban them like Europe, Africa
and many other countries have done? What should our policy be on GM food crops
and non-food crops? We must frame an intelligent policy after widespread
consultations with a range of stakeholders. The process should be inclusive and
transparent, allowing a range of expertise and insights to be brought into the
decision-making process. And we should abide by the consensus view.
The writer is the founder of a research and advocacy organisation,
Gene Campaign
The Tribune, 13 October 2014 http://www.tribuneindia.com/2014/20141013/edit.htm#3
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